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Introduction
When the main conflict among social forces conspires to push history backward, history veers from its natural course and nothing but the worst should be expected.
And the worst is manifesting itself today in the conflict between worst capitalists and conservative Islamists. However, the struggle of Islamists should be considered near its end. Their effort to turn history backward was doomed to defeat itself from the beginning and their recent retreats can be regarded as nothing more than the continuation of their ultimate demise.
In today's post-September-11 th world, the elements of this conflict of conservatives have become obvious not only on the part of the Islamists who are striving toward a return to the original Islamic empire of the 7 th century known as the
Khelafat , but also, and even more so, on the part of the Islamists' opposition, the United States: the far more fashionable and powerful entity which disguises its attacks on liberty by claiming to defend it.
Ironically, these two opposing sides are engaged in a symbiotic relationship where they actually depend on the existence of the other to perpetuate their own brands of conservative values. Since the end of the September 11 , the Islamic movement has uniquely stepped in to give the most conservative sectors of capitalism the best chance to realize their most backward ideas and political goals in the name of fighting against Islamic Terrorism and fanaticism. And therein lies the heart of the problem created by this conflict of conservative values: the real danger posed when a reactionary force like capitalism contests an enemy with a nature even more backward than its own.
The first historical lesson from this unhappy conflict is that the more that capitalism can justify itself, the more it will commit crime and brutality. The second lesson is that when the genuine forces of advancing history – the independent force of the people and their class struggle – are absent in the field, their just and progressive struggle for human improvement and advancement will be replaced by the conflict among the reactionary forces resurrected out of their graves to reclaim their historically buried demands, thus putting history in reverse.
Siamac Sotudeh
Note of the editor
This book is intended as a source to consult for anyone who is interested in better understanding the tangible history behind the controversial elements of Islam which are at the heart of today's internal conflict within the religion itself and are the major points of criticism by non-Muslims against Islam. It is important to note that, like all religions, Islam has followers of all levels of belief, but regardless of the depth of belief, all people who claim themselves to be Muslims have chosen (or unknowingly accepted) to overlook the elements I present in this book – elements which are wholly contradictory to the notion that Islam is a religion of peace, brotherhood, equality and modern adaptability.
It is also a worthwhile point to make that Islam, as a major world religion, is not alone in harboring deeply violent, intolerant and anti-progressive elements.
Book cover
Unknown still on a worldwide scale is the fact that the Islamic movements which took political power in Iran and Afghanistan were formed principally in opposition to the women's rights and land reforms. In Iran, Khomeini began his campaign against the Shah and his US backers after the initiation of land and women's right reforms in 1961. 14 years later, the Mujahidin started their crusade when similar reforms were initiated in Afghanistan by Russians. So while the Islamic movements in Iran and Afghanistan appeared to be trends opposing American and Russian imperialists and their puppet governments, in fact what they were really opposing was the reformist aspect of these regimes. Is this not what Bin Laden and his so-called anti- imperialistic crusade is all about? This is what the writer proves brilliantly in this book, through unheard information, facts and proofs. He writes: “In both countries, a s long as the dictatorship and imperialism were willing to depend on the old type of repression, women's slavery and backwardness, the Islamic trend supported them, but as soon as they started to renew themselves by reforms the Islamic trend opposed them. So, what they were really opposed to was not imperialism an d dictatorship in itself, but the new and modern form of it.”
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Contents |
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| Introduction |
1 |
| Chapter one |
3 |
| Who is Bin Laden? What does he |
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| and other Islamic groups really desire? |
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| Chapter two |
11 |
| Did Islam liberate women? |
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| Chapter three |
17 |
Which is the real Islam? The
one |
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| that was in Mecca or the one in
Madina? |
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| Chapter four |
25 |
Two pieces cut out exactly
for |
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| Each other |
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| Chapter five |
29 |
Are there any differences
among |
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| the real Muslims? |
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| Chapter six |
|
Why do Bin Laden and
other |
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| Islamists have so much animosity |
|
| toward western civilization and the U.
S.? |
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| Chapter seven |
41 |
How did Mohammed achieve |
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| Power in Arabia? |
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| Chapter eight |
51 |
Is the Islamic movement
against capitalism? |
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| Chapter nine |
53 |
Khomeini's opposition to
land reform and women's rights. |
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| Chapter ten |
61 |
Afghanistan and the Islamic
Mujahdin Movement |
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| Chapter eleven |
69 |
| Is Bin laden really Anti-Imperialist? |
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| Chapter twelve |
79 |
Is there any chance of
victory for Islamic movement? |
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| Chapter thirteen |
87 |
Why did the U.S. help
Khomeini's advent to the power? |
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| Chapter fourteen |
99 |
Vacuum of Power and the
lack of other Alternatives |
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| Chapter fifteen |
107 |
Imperialism and Terrorism's
Warfare Against Liber ty |
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| Notes |
117 |
| Bibliography |
125 |
| Index |
127 |
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